​Internal situation:

• Politics of Algeria takes place in a framework of a constitutional presidential republic, whereby the President of Algeria ishead of state while the Prime Minister of Algeria is the head of government. Executive power is exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested in both the government and the two chambers of parliament, the People's National Assembly and the Council of the Nation. A legacy of Algeria's bloody War of Independence from France (where an estimated one million Muslims were killed) is a powerful military and security apparatus that put a high value on secrecy.[1]Since 1988, parties other than the ruling FLN have been allowed and multiparty elections have been held, but freedom of political speech, protest and assembly is circumscribed and the 2014 presidential election was boycotted by major opposition parties. 
• Abdelaziz Bouteflika has been in power since 1999 and gained his fourth term of office in elections in 2014, despite doing no personal campaigning and rarely appearing in public after having suffered a stroke in 2013. He first took office when Algeria was still caught up in a savage civil war with Islamist insurgents, and is credited with curbing the conflict and restoring economic stability. He amended the constitution in 2008 to remove the two-term limit on the presidency, effectively giving himself the option of remaining head of state for life.  Mr Bouteflika took 82% of the vote, but turnout was reported to be 52%, down from 75% in 2009. A coalition of Islamist and secular opposition parties had called for a boycott, describing the election as a sham and saying Mr Bouteflika was unfit to run because of his health problems. Three other presidential candidates pulled out of the race soon after his candidacy was announced, saying the result would be a foregone conclusion.[2]

Main Situation[3]:

• Algeria shares with other countries in the region, the distinctive characteristic of being an Arab, Moslem, African and Mediterranean country. This gives an immediate idea about where the Algerian foreign policy priorities lie. They have been shaped by geography and by the different civilisations, cultures and traditions in which Algeria is deeply rooted.

•  With the advent of globalisation and the emergence of the many problems it entails, the Algerian diplomacy had to integrate new priorities in its agenda. To understand why, one has to know about the main measures taken since 1999 to restore peace and stability after the war waged by the Djihadists to topple the Algerian legal institutions. From that terrible period, a lesson has been drawn long time before 9/11 that terrorism is a global threat demanding a global response. It is the reason why transnational terrorism and the collective way to combat it are given top priority by the Algerian diplomacy.
• Currently the internal security situation is stable, but the risk of terrorist attacks has increased due to political turmoil in neighbouring Libya and Mali. Endemic ‘cronyism’, the high unemployment rate and a lack of affordable housing could fuel social unrest and lead to increasing support for militant Islam, especially among younger people. While the government tries to diversify the economy, success has been limited so far. The government is challenged with creating enough jobs to reduce the very high youth unemployment. In early 2016 the parliament passed a couple of constitutional reforms to strengthen democratic elements[4]
  

Algeria and Terrorism[3]:

• During what the Algerians call “the black decade” or “the national tragedy”, the westerners and more particularly the European Union member States drastically downgraded their relations with Algeria. They took the concerted stance to reduce the number and level of their delegations visiting Algeria; to prevent their air travel companies to land in Algeria; they imposed prohibitive export credit insurance to deter their companies from doing business in Algeria. To cap it all they were lax in granting political asylum and in so doing gave a free hand to terrorist rings enabling them to collect money and organise from Europe their terrifying crimes.

• All this in the name of democracy convinced as they were that the cancellation of the second round of the 1992 general elections infringed upon democracy. And yet they were fully aware that the Djihadists resorted to violence long time before the Algerian authorities took the decision to stop an electoral process, which would have ineluctably led to the end of democracy. “One voice one time” as the then US undersecretary of state for Middle East and North Africa put it.

• The electoral process resumed after a period of transition during which terrorism was at its peak. President Bouteflika was elected in 1999 and re-elected for five years in 2004. His programme included the restoration of peace and security as a precondition for sustainable development and for Algeria to reassert itself internationally.

• Peace and security have been restored through a two-phased process of national reconciliation. The law on the civil concord and the charter for peace and reconciliation both sanctioned by a 2/3 majority in parliament have been massively endorsed by referendums held respectively in 1999 and 2005. Algeria is a role player again. A whole succession of visitors go to Algiers: heads of state or government, ministers of foreign affairs, or of other ministerial departments, parliamentarians, business leaders from different countries.

• Except a lunatic fringe still refusing to lay down arms and soon to be stamped out, the Algerians do not want terrorism to strike again. The people’s will is reflected in the active participation of Algeria in the global action against terrorism in the regional and international fora and bilaterally. It is worth mentioning in this regard that the headquarters of the African Center for the study and research on terrorism is located in Algiers and that Algeria is one of the main promoters of the July 1999 Algiers convention on the prevention and combating of terrorism.

Number of terrorist attacks since the 70s in Algeria

The Maghreb integration: a strategic option[3]:

• Three North African parties, the FLN representing Algeria, which was not yet independent, the Neo-destour from Tunisia and the Istiqlal from Morocco, held a conference in Tangiers from 27 to 30 april 1958 and committed themselves to working for the Maghreb integration. Thirty-one years later the convention of Marrakech was signed by the then heads of state of Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia Libya and Mauritania.
• Algeria attaches the greatest importance to Maghreb integration and tries its best to act in conformity with the spirit of the treaty binding the Arab Maghreb Union member States. With this in mind, the Algerian government took the option to supply gas to Europe via Morocco and Tunisia thus contributing in a sizeable way to the development and well being of these two sister countries. Furthermore, 1,5 million Algerians go on holiday to Tunisia each year and what they spend there represents about fifty per cent of the total revenue generated by the Tunisian tourist industry. Finally, public and private companies from both countries have set up successful joint ventures mainly in the energy sector, construction and food industries.
• Unfortunately the Maghreb integration has been at a standstill for more than 30 years due to the fact that the Western Sahara question is at deadlock. Morocco obstinately ignores the Security Council resolutions the most recent of which dated 28 April 2006, calls for “a just, lasting and mutually acceptable political solution, which will provide for the self-determination of the people of Western Sahara”. 

Africa: Algeria’s alter ego: 

• During the war for independence the Liberation National Front (FLN) was given a strategic depth by sister countries and Algeria keeps a vivid memory of how dedicated the people and governments of Tunisia, Morocco, Libya and Egypt were to the noble cause the Algerian were fighting for. 
• No wonder then Algeria became after independence a haven for many liberation movements including ANC. It is worth recalling in this regard that President Nelson Mandela stayed in Algeria where he received military training.
•  It is also important to mention that Algeria played an important role of mediation between the Malian government and the Azawed movement in the mid nineties and between Ethiopia and Eritrea in 2000. 
• Algeria together with four other African countries including South Africa is one of NEPAD founding fathers. The main idea underlying this new initiative is self-reliance, which means that all African Union member States should rely first and foremost on their own resources and use them properly to the benefit of their people. This concept also includes collective self-reliance by dint of regional integration to avoid duplication and squandering. Hence the importance given to good governance acknowledged as such through the peer review mechanism. The report submitted by Algeria on its own governance is under review paving the way for further discussions about its content.
• Bilaterally in its region, besides the convention of Marrakech binding the Arab Maghreb countries, Algeria has concluded agreements of cooperation and good neighborhood with Mali and Niger. In June 2016 Algeria and Mali have expressed willingness to "intensify" their cooperation in the fight against insecurity, terrorism and the organized cross-border crime, notably as part of the Nouakchott Process, said Tuesday a communiqué following the 11th session of the Algerian-Malian  Bilateral Strategic Committee on Northern Mali.
• Algeria and South Africa are pivotal states in their respective regions and have in common their mutual attachment to African renaissance as illustrated by the centrality of Africa in the external policy of both countries. A bi-national commission chaired by the two heads of state has been set up in 2000. On the political level the relations are excellent and the consultations between the two countries are constant and carried out at different levels and in various fora.  The economic relations are progressing steadily since the two parties have decided to focus on some flagship sectors of mutual interest.

Algeria and Europe 

• Due to geographical proximity and common history Algeria has established strong political and economic relations with the developed side of the Mediterranean rim. Treaties of good neighbourhood, friendship and cooperation have been concluded with Spain and Italy. Algeria and France will follow suit as soon as they overcome the clash of memory concerning their common past.
• EU-Algeria relations date back to 1976, when a Cooperation Agreement covering trade, labour and financial cooperation was signed. Several projects were carried out throughout the 1980s and 1990s, notably under the Mediterranean Financial Protocols and in the framework of the Barcelona Process.
• With the European Union as such, there is a comprehensive agreement providing among other stipulations, for the establishment of a free trade zone. Last but not least, Algeria is with Russia, the main gas supplier of Europe and buys from the latter the bulk of its needs in terms of capital equipments.

• The European Union is very much concerned by illegal immigrants. So is Algeria because some of them are its own nationals whilst the others representing the majority, choose Algeria to settle down or as a transit country before bounding for different destinations. In any case, Algeria is as interested as the Europeans in finding a lasting solution to their problems. It is the reason why it has proposed to the European side cooperation, to tackle it globally keeping in mind that the best way to stem the illegal migration flux is a sustainable development aiming at fixing the populations in their native country.
• Likewise, and as a European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) participant, Algeria and the EU are set to adopt an Action Plan to define a joint agenda of reforms aimed at promoting democracy, prosperity and stability. Moreover, both parties initialled a Protocol in 2014 to enable Algeria to participate in EU agencies and programmes.
  
  
  

[1] Kaplan, Robert D. (2007). Hog Pilots, Blue Water Grunts: The American Military in the Air, at Sea, and ... Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group. p. 180. Retrieved 4 June 2015.
[2] BBC News, Algeria profile - leaders, May 2016
[3] Some elements about the Algerian foreign policy, Mourad Bencheikh Ambassador of the People’s Democratic Republic of Algeria to South Africa
 [4] https://group.atradius.com/publications/country-report-algeria-2016.html